Monday, February 1, 2016

Shani Days - A prevailing perspective

Shani Days


Old moth-eaten joke:

Guy goes to Pandit and says he has the curse of Shani on him and could the Pandit do some Puja to relieve him.
Pandit: Sure, we can do a small yagna for Rs.250
Man:     Panditji, 250 is too much, can you lower the cost?
Pandit: Okay, we cut out some rituals and frills and do it for Rs.150
Man:     Panditji, even that is too much, can you lower it a bit more?
Pandit: How much do you have my friend?
Man:     I have Rs.20
Pandit:  Go home and relax, Shani can do no damage to you.

Hindus have been taught for long that “all religions are equal”. This includes teachings to children of other religions of Indian origin too (Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains). This “equal” thing didn’t start some 3000 years ago as some of the foreign religions currently in India were not even born. This “all religions equal” thing probably gained more popularity during our Independence struggle and MK Gandhi being its most prominent promoter. This falsehood has since been perpetuated by other sick politicians, media morons, anti-Hindu crusaders and even some sick Hindu Gurus. Two religions, in particular, consider their religion superior and their God the only true God – Christianity and Islam. For centuries since the Islamic and British invasion there has been a continuous and consistent onlsaught on Hinduism by these non-Hindus.

There were many Hindu customs that were done away with by Hindu reformers. Widow remarriage, women attending funerals or lighting the pyre etc are not frowned upon anymore. However, there are millions of temples in India, thousands of them famous and pilgrimage centres. The attack on Hindu traditions and customs has now taken a different turn – It’s very organised, sponsored, orchestrated by some organisations and amplified by the anti-Hindu media. It’s also well-funded by Chrislamists. In recent times, there’s a petition demanding women be allowed at Sabarimala temple – at least that’s a civilised way of doing things. Suddenly, there’s a woman called Trupti Desai and her gang who are agitating for women to allowed to perform at a temple in Maharashtra known as Shani Shingnapur.

Regardless of the demand it doesn’t call for a violent agitation and a riot-like blockade. And the timing is great – on Republic Day to distract from other celebrations. But is it really merely about this? I don’t think so. Dadri-campaign, Award-Wapsi, Intolerance campaign, Rohith Vemulla-campaign are all part of a well-organised campaign against India and Hindus. The incidents or situations are merely camouflages or “burqas”. Take a look at the agitator-in-chief with her gang over Shani Shingnapur:

While most Indians are looking forward to growth, jobs and a better future there are some who are engaged in a “Disrupt India” movement ever since ModiSarkar came to power in May 2014. The Congis and Aaptards are the main culprits who have become partners in creating chaos and anarchy whenever and wherever they can. The Shani-agitator Trupti Desai was soon identified for her links and connections:

She’s an Aaptard? That would hardly come as a surprise to anyone. The Aaptards’ boss is all over the place or he goes for Naturopathy. He’s in Hyderabad or Ghaziabad or at TV studios or doing movie reviews. Like a self-appointed class-monitor, Arvind Kejriwal runs to every anti-Modi TV doormat to complain “Teacher, Teacher Modi is not doing this… Modi is not doing that” and other times RTs all stupid tweets. Not one media crook ever asks him: “When do you do any work as Delhi CM”? The other guy in Doomsday-India partnership, RahulG either runs abroad frequently or runs to Hyderabad to protest or to Bundelkhand. Amethi is as far from his concerns as Dindigul is from Gdansk. That’s it! Life is fun! It doesn’t bother me much right now what Hindu temple rules are. It actually doesn’t bother these fake crusaders and agitators either. Any change in practices should come through articles, petitions and not by mindless nonsense as demonstrated by Shekhar Gupta:

ShekharG has such a vast warehouse of nonsense and hypocrisy that his items of high-value stupidity can be seen even by people in far-off lands. And one Mr. Konstantinos delivered a resounding slap to Gupta. All these scumbags believe only Hinduism needs reforms not Islam or Christianity. And then they whine when their stupidity is scoffed at by even non-Hindus. There’s the other happy-tongue hypocrite from Congress called Shashi Tharoor who once did a Puja at this very Shani temple with his then girl-friend by his side in 2010:

But since this bogus agitation over Shani started and his pics started appearing all over (to reject the fakery that women are not allowed inside) Tharoor had to “clarify”. He states women are not allowed to do the rituals and that’s the problem:

Naturally, ordinary folks on Twitter see through these hypocrites very easily. Firstly, these jokers will go to Tirupati or Shani Shingnapur either for penance or to beg the Lord for special favours and then they will poke holes into the very temple they bowed to. If you’re so against their rules, why do you even go there? Pray at home – If there’s a God I am sure He can still hear you. @IndiaSpeaksPR rightly wants Tharoor to go home and demand equal rights for Muslim women. Will they? No, they will run with their tails between their legs fearing a thousand swords chasing their neck. And that is the undeniable truth. And if that’s not enough, imagine Harsha Bhogle giving a big lecture on batting skills and scoring runs to Virat Kohli. Thus, you have a mindless news channel which brings on a Muslim group that advises gender-equality for Hindu women:

Really? All the Muslim women in India have achieved such bliss in seventh heaven in their own community that they now want the same for their Hindu sisters? This downright hypocrisy of our media and Muslim groups is not worthy of comment since all of us know that status of women in their community. All the ridicule this sort of thing gets on SM is very deserving and rightly directed. All religions are NOT equal! It doesn’t take Einstein to discover that in India or anywhere in the world. Over the years political parties, especially Congress and Communists, have appeased Muslims and Christians so much and trampled on freedom of Hindu temples and and Hindu traditions that none less than the Supreme Court had this to say:

That report was in February 2011 in the TOI and SC clearly said “The govt’s attempts to reform personal laws don’t go beyond Hindus who have been tolerant of such initiatives”. Yes, the Hindus have been too tolerant of anti-nationals, anti-Hindus and Commies who eternally hate Hindus. So, to the bogus and idiot ranters and agitators who whine about rules at Hindu temples I would just say “go fly a kite”. Any reforms in Hindu temples or their practices is best left to their management and their regular devotees.

Now, here too the Times of India indulges in trickery. The current page of the above article has the title “Centre changed personal laws of only Hindus”. Who is the Centre and why did TOI change its original headline? Because in the pic is what the original headline said. So TOI replaced “Govts” with “Centre”. Why? Make a wild guess. The same article mentions SC reiterating the need for Uniform Civil Code which will help in eliminiating differences and discriminations. But tell the Muslims and Christians about UCC – You will have them and Kejriwal and Derek O’Brien and Pappu and Yechuri out on the streets as if Emergency were declared in India. I say, let the hypocrites bark over Shani because if they can agitate for stupid demands I don’t see what good Lord Shani can do them anyway. They don’t need Shani’s blessing at all. But there is something else they are agitating for.

Since ModiSarkar came to power there has been a series of high-decibel, fake campaigns in the media to raise muck on some issue or another. From the FAKE “Christians under attack” campaign to Dadri to Intolerance to AwardWapsi to RohithVemulla to Shani Shingnapur and many more, the Congress, Aaptards and Commies have been trying hard to tar the ModiSarkar. Kejriwal and RahulG are nearly like Agitators-for-rent or Rudaalis-for-rent.  All these sudden bursts of agitations are also intended to cover up bad news like Netaji files not showing Nehru in good light or retaliation for some NGOs being investigated for fraudulent funding. Each time this burst happens some important development is invariably drowned in the noise.

There’s just more bad news for them.  A recent Nielsen-ABPNews poll shows Modi remains popular and they haven’t managed to cause damage. Polls are only indicators but I would dare say the “Shani Days” for these Commie agitators aren't over yet by a long shot. Their desperate hunger to regain the poison called power may have to wait another seven and a half years at the least, if they manage to survive. 
Sabhar from Media Crooks

Wednesday, January 6, 2016

Kejriwal and Pappu: A Tale of Two Angry Old Men


 
In the 1970s an Angry Young Man burst into the Bollywood scene. His name was Amitabh Bachchan and he changed the industry forever. In the 2010s, two angry but not so Young Men burst into the political scene: Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal.

Both of them want to change Indian politics the way Amitabh changed Bollywood. But reel life is not real life as the two have already discovered. However, their supporters still labour under severe delusions.

But the first question to be asked is why they are so angry in the first place. Have you ever seen Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu getting so worked up in the public space and tearing up something? Have you heard Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar call anyone a psychopath?

So what is so special about the Pappu-Kejri duo? The answer: Both have Zero Achievements. Has Pappu ever been Chief Minister of a State or a Cabinet Minister? Has Pappu been a top bureaucrat or a CEO of a credible high performing company? The answer is a big zero. Pappu has nothing to his credit and has changed nothing for India.

He was handed Amethi like a family property on a platter and his 2004-16 Lok Sabha tenure has seen only misses and almost no hits. He bunks Parliament, takes long leaves, he chats like a schoolkid with other MPs when someone is speaking, hardly asks meaningful questions or is part of regular important committees.

He has zero talent, zero ideas and zero achievements. He can’t sell himself as a product and explain to the masses how he has already brought about at least one change somewhere and hence can bring about a change when he sits on the Prime Minister’s seat.

modi

So the only thing he can do is attack the guy who is doing work, in this case Prime Minister Narendra Modi. That’s why you will see him getting worked up in rage and attack Modi for every stupid thing he can think of and rubbish his each and every policy even though he makes absolutely no sense at all.

That’s why you’ll see him sporting stubbles, rolling up his sleeves, doing theatrics like tearing up pieces of paper and shouting on the podium. At best he can change the script and travel in a Mumbai local train or eat in a Dalit’s hut.

That’s why he’ll get into ever greater fury when a sessions court and High Court finds merit in him being an accused in the National Herald case. That’s why you’ll find him using all his resources in disrupting Parliament and accusing Modi of vendetta instead of focusing on the case ahead.
And here’s the thing. Whether India likes it or not, it is stuck with the Angry Old Pappu Avatar at least till the 2019 general elections. Give the man a break. The poor guy has just one weapon in his armoury and that’s the only one he’s going to use non-stop.

Now let’s come to Kejriwal. You’ll probably say that Kejri is different. He was an IIT and IRS. He headed an NGO and won the Magsaysay Award. He is Chief Minister and has 67/70 seats in the Delhi Assembly. So far his record looks good. However, that is only on the surface. Deep down there is no difference between Kejri and Pappu. How?

We hear of IAS officers bringing about great changes and being transferred every six months. Kejri was posted in one place for his entire 15-year career as a bureaucrat. Again a personal achievement and nobody knows how India or the department benefited by any innovation he made there. Insiders know how murky the NGO industry is and more details about his dealings are sure to emerge in the future.

Then what of the umpteen allegations Kejriwal hurls against everybody? He went after Sheila Dixit, Robert Vadra, and Arun Jaitley to mention just a few high profile names. He gave press conferences and ranted and raved and looked really good. But did he really make any difference?
Did he present any new evidence? No. It’s always a rehash of newspaper cuttings and second-hand allegations. Did he take anyone to court? No. Has anyone been convicted because of him? No.
In fact, Arvind Kejriwal had to write a humiliating apology letter to Infrastructure Minister Nitin Gadkari who dragged him to court. This may be repeated in the Jaitley affair.

BJP leader Subramanian Swamy was one of the leaders who fought against the Emergency, ended the then Karnataka Chief Minister Ramakrishna Hegde’s political career, sent Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa and former Telecom Minister A. Raja to jail and made Congress President Sonia Gandhi and her deputy and son Pappu accused and dragged them to court.

Kejriwal is not even 0.01% of Swamy. And yet the media calls Kejri a corruption crusader and Swamy a disrupter maverick. There is no way you can counter such terrible media bias. Now let’s come to the citizens of New Delhi.
Has their life improved? No. Do they have free Wi-Fi, all the CCTV cameras that were promised and the schools? No. Do they have to pay less money? No. Prices have increased and a new, pointless environment tax been introduced.
Has the garbage and sewage situation improved? No, it has worsened.

Have power cuts ended? No. Power Minister Piyush Goyal’s fantastic power reforms have already benefited many areas in India but incompetent Kejri will never be able to take benefit.
Has pollution come down? Immediately after becoming CM, Kejri announced that Delhi’s small industries need not apply for a no-pollution certificate. Won’t that increase overall pollution?
One report said that private vehicles account for just 2-3% of air pollution. That renders the Odd-Even policy (with all its umpteen exemptions) a sad joke. And yet the media was dancing with joy within just two hours of this brainless and ineffective rule being implemented.
There is no way you can counter such propaganda.

New Delhi, Bihar and West Bengal are heading for terminal decline. But there will be no reportage because they are headed by rabid Modi haters. Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan are making great progress.

But that will be played down because it will make Modi look good.Attack Modi and not only do you become secular but you become great at governance too.
Back Modi and not only do you become communal but you become bad at governance too.In the Angry Young Man movies, Amitabh fought his way to a change by the end of the movie.Pappu and Kejri will keep getting angrier and will keep adding more zeroes to their zero achievements till date.
But they are safe. All they have to do is keep attacking Modi with greater intensity.Kejri calling Modi a psychopath in a Tweet was just a natural part of this escalation. If their supporters keep willingly getting fooled, then it is their choice. We live in a democracy after all.

The author is a Bengaluru-based journalist. He has previously worked for organizations like the Hindustan Times, CyberMedia, the Centre for Science & Environment and IT market research firm IDC India

Tuesday, January 5, 2016

Tolerance on the Foundations of Intolerance

Tolerance on the Foundations of Intolerance

Recently, writers, artists and scientists have returned their awards. Other similar eminent persons also have joined hands with these protesters. At this juncture, it will not be irrelevant to discuss the political views of these eminent persons.
The politics of politicians faces a test at least during elections. But it is left to the students of Literature and Social Sciences to discuss the politics of the writers, artists, scientists, social scientists or historians from time to time.

Semantics

I have to give two clarifications.

First, I am conscious of my vernacular English which may not be of the standard of the mainstream intellectual discourse in India. But I do think that intellectual discourse need not be left only to sophisticated English speaking writers. Therefore I hope readers will tolerate my English.
The second clarification is more important. It is about the words used in this essay. The word Hindu used here is to mean as it means in the government records. It does not mean a homogeneous unit or does not refer to a single group of people with certain belief systems. This word includes all those communities, castes and traditions which are included under the category Hindu in the census data of the government.
Here, the word Hinduism does not mean a religion that is similar to Islam or Christianity. In this essay the word religion does not include Hinduism as it includes Islam and Christianity.
The words secular, secularism and secularist are used in the sense they are used by the award-returning writers. I should also clarify that I believe their model of secularism is not the real secularism, if at all secularism is the right word to be used and that their idea of secularism does not serve the purpose that it should serve.

Growing Intolerance: Placing the Responsiblity

Those writers who have returned their awards have claimed that this is an act of protest against the Sahitya Akademi, against the Central Government or against the rightist groups. The core of all these statements is that they are protesting against the growing trend of intolerance in the country.
Growing trend of intolerance’ does not refer to any single or specific incident. It is something that takes place over a period of time. Therefore we can agree that the questions such as why they did not protest when Sikhs were murdered or when emergency was imposed etc, do not arise.
We can also agree with their argument that, though late, at least now they have woken up and that it’s better late than never. But the fact that this growing trend of intolerance has become visible to them only during the last one or so years shows that they have just got their spectacles changed and we can easily imagine the colour of the new spectacles.
We should note one small, but very important difference as far as the conflicts or relations between communities are concerned. Though equality between the castes is not achieved completely, discrimination based on caste has definitely decreased during the last six or seven decades and the standard of living of Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Castes is better when compared to the earlier years.
This is because of the efforts of reformers of the distant past, recent past or present. We should also take note of the contributions made in this regard by constitutional measures, various governments and the writers who created awareness.
sacharThe social unrest caused by the policy on SC, ST and OBC is negligible when compared to the amount of change or empowerment it caused. But the policy on Muslims has not brought about any significant improvement in the standard of living of Muslims. If it has helped Muslims, Sachar Report should have shown different findings.
The Indian secular discourse has resulted in alienating Muslims and in turn, has harmed them. If we see the relations between the Hindus and Muslims the gap is widening day by day. This has made the award returning writers believe that intolerance is growing.
But who should be held responsible for this intolerance?
Actually the secular discourse during the last sixty years has not succeeded in reducing the tensions between Hindus and Muslims. Instead, it has increased intolerance.
The award returning writers call themselves as secularists and advocates of multiculturalism and pluralism. Their writings are the most dominant part of India’s secular discourse and if there is any fallacy or contradiction in the secular discourse they must hold themselves responsible.
What are the ways in which the harmony between various communities need to be retained and improved? Is it through police action or is it through the mutual trust, attitudes and mind-set of the people? If it is through mutual trust and the mind-set of the people, then the state should create a conducive atmosphere for that. Writers should provide thoughts, social theories and literature in that direction.

Secular Discourse has Proven Deadly

What did the post independent secular discourse do? The basic premise of this discourse is this: Hindus are majority; Muslims and others are minority.
According to the secularists, the multiple identities of Hinduism are considered as a single unit called majority. Majority-minority division based on religion is not considered as communal politics by these secularists!
At the same time, the secularists argue that only some fringe elements are intolerant and only these elements are spreading hatred and that the vast majority of Hindus are for pluralism.
If this is so, how can they argue for some special status to the minority, thereby indicating that all the Hindus are categorized under one unit namely the persecuting and dominating majority?
If they agree that most of the Hindus are tolerant and pluralists then why should they be treated as a majority which can do some harm to the minorities? Moreover, almost all the secularists have argued that Hindu is not a homogeneous entity. For example, see Amartya Sen’s The Argumentative Indian or any other book by a known secularist.
In which case, how can such heterogeneous groups be considered a single majority? How can there be a minority when there is no majority? The secularists use the concept of minority in their discourse even though they cannot identify the majority!
The constituent assembly had a very lengthy debate about this aspect of minority, but unfortunately it could not give up this notion. The majority-minority divide holds well only in countries where the majority of the population follows the religion which considers conversion of others an important part of religious duties. For instance you can have the majority-minority concept in Pakistan, UK, UAE etc., but not in India.

Hinduism

So, isn’t there anything common among the Hindus? The answer is yes.
Some common features follow: these traditions or communities considered under the umbrella of Hinduism do not have a ‘religion’ in the sense of Islam or Christianity.
Two: Hindus believe that they should offer Pooja to the created as well as the Creator. (Amir Khan’s film PK miserably fails to understand the Indian context when the hero says that all other numbers except that of the Creator -God- are wrong numbers).
Three: ‘Deva/devathe’ (God/Goddess) can become human beings and vice versa.
Four: Existence of both female and male deities.
Five: Creation, recreation and criticism of written or oral Puranas.
The above features are related to one another. These features are applicable in case of Scheduled Castes, Brahmins and other castes, even in case of Adivaasis or Tribes.
Actually the concept of Hinduism refers to the above aspects. This is what is usually called a way of life. Though some communities claim that they have sacred texts, such texts are open for interpretation and criticism.
vivekanandaNo sacred text prevented Swami Vivekananda from criticizing oppression based on birth. In fact, reformers like Vivekananda interpreted the texts according to the needs of the hour and used them to advocate modern ideals like equality.
The above-mentioned common features did not give Hindus the ideology or strategy of conversion. You need not consider it as the generosity of Hindus. It may be a weakness or vulnerability when compared to Islam or Christianity. In fact the very nature of Hindus or the above features do not enable them to have a strategy of preserving their set of beliefs intact or imposing them on others.
Secularists may mention about the caste hierarchy here and may say Brahmins imposed their will and rule over others. Even if it was true, it must have benefitted Islam and Christianity instead of posing any threat to them.
We know from history that not only the downtrodden were converted but the families from the so called upper castes were also converted into Islam and Christianity during the Islamic and British period.
In which case, why do these secularists consider such weak or vulnerable and separate entities of Hinduism as a majority group capable of domination over the other faiths?
Have any of the Parsee families experienced the feeling of insecurity in India because of Hindus?
Actually, being quite prosperous, Parsees could have easily become the targets, if we go by some of the Marxists’ theory that economic condition is one of the main reasons for communal hatred.

A United Hindu Vote Bank?

The innumerable identities or the communities coming under Hinduism do not have the political power as a single Hindu unit. There are talks about caste vote banks, but there still is no Hindu vote bank.
Now there may be efforts to create Hindu vote bank, but such efforts can yield result only because of today’s secularism! There are more Hindus who vote against the so called Hindu Party BJP than those who vote for it.
Elections in India have proved time and again that Hindus are the most secular in their voting pattern. But most election analysts, like secular thinkers, believe that secular votes are divided if Muslim votes are divided.
The recent Bihar election of 2015 is interpreted as a victory of secularism. But the irony is, the secularists do not recognize that the same result demolishes the basic premise or the foundation of Indian secularism which is the majority- minority divide.
The so called secular thinkers must understand that if the country is still secular by and large, it is not because of secularism but in spite of secularism. It is a blunder to think that tolerance or intolerance is a mere law and order issue, that only a non-BJP government can ensure tolerance. The actual problem lies in the secular discourse and the secular policy which various governments including the BJP follow.
The politicians and secularists of post independent India could have tried to do away with the division between Hindus and Muslims created by British rulers. Instead, they wanted to have an imaginary enemy to Muslims, Christians and so on.
This imaginary enemy called Majority Hindus helped the politicians and the secularists to project themselves as the protectors of the so called Minority Groups.

Teaching Secularism to Minorities

Till today secularists have succeeded in sustaining their relevance as the protectors of the interests of the Minority. But these secularists have never tried to teach secularism to Muslims.
They give silly justifications for this sort of attitude. They argue that it is the responsibility of the majority to make peace. This justification falls apart mainly for two reasons. One: as we have seen there is no such single majority in our country. Two: intolerance of a very small group can cause conflict in a large society.
It is quite clear that the secular policy of post independent India wrongly considered Hinduism as another religion just like Islam and Christianity. As a result of this, today some of the Hindus are trying to convert Hinduism into Islam by becoming more and more intolerant.
The secular discourse in India tried to preach secularism and toleration to Hindus who were naturally secular. What happens when you try to change somebody who is doing right things? He or she will start doing wrong things. This is precisely what happens in India today.
The fact that the Hindus not only tolerate others but are also patrons of other religions, can be easily proved by counting the heads of Hindus among those who have returned awards.
Our secularists have the objective of correcting Hindus only and keeping only the Hindus tolerant. So, chopping off the hand of a teacher in Kerala is not intolerance. Kashmir violence does not become an example of intolerance. Are Kerala and Kashmir not inside India according to them? Actually that is not a relevant question because the fact is that the secularists believe that some groups have the right to be intolerant by virtue of their religion.
hospitalI do not know how many of the Pakistani writers and artists have returned their awards for the fate of Hindus or Christians and even Muslims in that country. What explanation do these secularists give for the fact that Muslims are safer in India than in Pakistan?
Does the RSS have any hand in the insecurity feeling experienced by sections of Muslims in Pakistan? The Indian writers and secularists could have requested at least those Pakistani artists who were restricted from performing in India to join hands with them in their protest against growing trend of intolerance in India (in India because there is no intolerance in Pakistan according to the Indian secular thinkers) as writers and artists do not have geographical boundaries.

Tolerance and Common Civil Code

Demand for common civil code becomes cultural politics or an attack on pluralism, especially when the demand is put forward by the Sangh Parivar. But now Romila Thapar says that common civil code is a necessity in a secular country. (See ‘Lokajnaana’- Kannada Journal, Jan-April 2015, published by Tumkur University. I am curious to know the response of other secularists to this opinion of Romila Thapar).
Amartya Sen says that if Muslim women suffer because of Muslim personal law, it should not bother Hindus. But the Sachar Committee blames the society-read Hindus– for not giving access to Muslims. If almost 50 per cent of the population -that is to say women- of one community are not encouraged to work outside in the name of religion, how can the economic condition of such a community improve?
In such a situation, if you tax Hindus by way of special provisions, reservations etc. to Muslims, it will automatically create some sort of discomfort among Hindus. Sen and other secularists, who wrote lengthy articles about violence, do not understand that there is every possibility of conflict if, of the two coexisting communities, one goes forward and the other backward.
Actually this concept of tolerating others with great difficulty is applicable to Europe or Islamic countries and not India, at least till the present form of secularism took its birth.
Thinkers like Swami Vivekananda and Ananda Coomaraswamy have given their opinion about the problem in the concept of tolerance. Their views are very valid in our case. Says Ananda Coomaraswamy:
“..the word (tolerance) is not a pretty one; to tolerate is to put up with, endure or suffer the existence of what are or appear to be other ways of thinking than our own; and it is neither very pleasant merely ‘to put up with’ our neighbours and fellow guests, nor very pleasant to feel that one’s own deepest institutions and belief are being patiently endured”.
We know that the word intolerance is generated from the word tolerance. But we should note the most important factor that in relations between religions or communities, the concept of tolerance has its root in intolerance.
People started to think of tolerance as a virtue only after they saw the amount of intolerance in some religions. How does accepting others with pain (tolerating) become a great virtue if you believe that other faiths also have equal right to exist?
Europeans brought this word tolerance to India by keeping in mind their own concept of religion. Their religions cannot happily accommodate other faiths in its neighbourhood, but accept it only with pain or because of inevitability.
Even after nearly seven decades of independence Indian secularists are not independent.
They still depend on the words and concepts thrown at them by the British, namely, “tolerance,” “religion,” “majority,” “minority” etc. We should note that tolerance has its roots in intolerance and our secularism has its roots in religion!

Contradictions in Secular Discourse

The problem with secularism is that it has wasted its energy by responding, reacting and criticising the RSS or Sangh Parivar, that too of Golwalkar and Savarkar. It is amusing to see secularists still depending on Savarkar or Golwalkar’s writings to attack the RSS or Hindutva. Will it be fair if we criticise today’s Marxists on the basis of Marx’s remarks on colonialism? It is not actually the question of fairness; it is the question of usefulness.
Secularists easily blame Sangh Parivar for creating suspicion between communities or propagating hatred during the past few decades. But we should remember that almost all the governments, media, various academic bodies, Sahitya Akademi etc. were headed by secularists till very recently. There was no opportunity to “saffronize” the school textbooks till recently.
However, the Sangh could penetrate more and more into the minds of the people across the castes and communities as the years passed by and as more and more people received formal education. How was this possible when everything was in the hands of the secularists?
The answer to this question points towards the fallacies and contradictions in the secular discourse. Many secularists typically lament that secular forces are divided and various units of Sangh Parivar-read communal forces- are united.
This time these secularists must be thankful to the voters of 2014 for uniting secularists by creating a common enemy: prime among them, Narendra Modi. But this unity has not helped them come out of their fallacies and contradictions. Actually this unity has made their contradictions more visible.
To see one of the contradictions in secular discourse, just consider the following four dicta which almost every secularist subscribes to.
One: We should preserve pluralism and multicultural nature of our country.
Two: We should support inter caste marriages, and annihilation of caste is desirable.
Three: We should not oppose conversion.
Four: The Sangh Parivar is a threat to pluralism and multicultural society.
I just wonder how can those who agree with the second and third statements make the allegation we see in the fourth statement?
Doesn’t the first statement contradict the second and the third statement? In an inter caste marriage, either both or at least one partner has to give up his or her culture, at least a part of the culture.
In the same way, loss of one’s own culture happens in the case of conversion. Moreover, according to the secularists, culture does not imply only values or virtues and such other things; it includes food habits, rituals, language etc.
In which case, how should the Constitution, or the real secularists have treated Muslims? Thousands of villages where Hindus and Muslims lived in perfect harmony could have shown the answers.
villageThere were no cases of intolerance. The concept of tolerance was not required there because the existence of others was not something to be disliked. In such villages Muslims were of just another caste or jaathi. The same thing is true in case of Christians, Jains or others. All the castes were maintaining their respective beliefs and practicing their cultures without any problem.
Of course the government or constitution had to rightly intervene in some of the practices of some castes, such as untouchability etc. The OBC reservation as and when implemented could have anyway been applied to Muslims and others just like Hindus. It is not too late now to have a relook at our form of secularism.
The above analysis shows that all the problems we face today are because of our secular policy which viewed Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Jains or Parsees from the point of view of Europe or more precisely, from the point of view of ‘religion’ instead of traditional Indian point of view. This traditional Indian view was of Muslims and others in India as much as that of the Hindus.
Imagine somebody saying that he or she does not want to live in the country if Mr. ‘X’ becomes the Prime Minister (which can happen only after being elected by the people democratically). Isn’t this intolerance?
But these award returning secularists do not think so. If you do not like the existence of something and still tolerate it, then it is called ‘tolerance’. Running away or not intending to stay near the people you dislike cannot be tolerance.
Today we just start thinking whether these secularists have suddenly lost faith in democracy. Do they at least believe that the people of this country are competent enough to elect their representatives? They had no problem with the decision making capacity of the people when there was a very high percentage of illiteracy.
But now, when the people are more and more informed because of education and various media, these secularists have started to suspect the voters’ decision making capacity! Majority rule, single party rule etc. have suddenly become dangerous.
This kind of intolerance in the name of secularism frustrates the common man and makes the members of some particular groups more and more intolerant.
Dr. Ajakkala Girisha Bhat teaches Kannada at an undergraduate college.He has authored more than ten books in Kannada including ‘Buddhijeevi Versus Bouddhika Swathanthrya’

Friday, December 18, 2015

Do The Hindus Have 33 Crore Gods?


Quite often we discuss among ourselves, with a slight tone of self-mockery, that we Hindus have thirty-three crore (330 million) gods. We think we have such a surfeit of gods that we do not mind accepting anything and everything. This opinion is shared by several scholars and writers. Who are all these gods?

Let us try to figure out. We can list out all the names we know – Vishnu, Shiva, Surya, Venkateswara, etc, etc. We may associate our friends from all parts of the country, count all the local deities and we may come to a figure which may be in thousands. What, in fact, is the truth?

Vedanta categorically states that the Supreme Reality is the infinitely pervading consciousness. It is not a personal god whom we see in religion. It is not denoted as ‘he’ or ‘she’ but as ‘It’, an impersonal entity. The name given to this impersonal entity is Brahman. The creative power which is associated with this Brahman is called as prakriti or maaya. In order to facilitate our understanding Vedanta compares this entity to an ocean. An ocean is a huge mass of water. When a huge wave emerges from it, we distinguish it from the ocean and call it a wave. Similarly in the ocean of consciousness the creative power creates a notion of ‘I’ or ‘self’. This first appearance of ego is given a name – Hiranyagarbha. The Upanishads say that this is the source of all creation. The Taittiriya Upanishad gives a graphic description of such creation. The space emerged first, it says. From the space came air. From air the fire emerged. The fire became fluid and later it became a hard mass called earth. The whole plant kingdom originated from earth and became food for all beings. The purpose of this narration, we are told, is to say that there is nothing apart from Brahman and what all we see is a manifestation in Brahman.

This idea pervades the whole philosophy of Upanishads. The greatest spiritual exercise is to see that the seeker is an integral part of the organic whole which is the universe. Our sense organs and mind have evolved from the five elements – earth, water, fire, air and space. The flesh, blood and bones too are derived from the five elements.  In short, the microcosm is not different from the macrocosm. The enlightened person achieves a vision of oneness in which he sees one with every other being in the universe and loves all beings unconditionally.

Veda patha

This being so, who are the thirty-three crore gods? There is a chapter in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad dealing with this question. There used to be philosophical debates in the courts of kings in olden days. Several wise men and women used to gather, debate and sometimes argue about the nature of things. One such debate is between the questioner named Sakalya and Yajnavalkya, who probably was the greatest philosopher of that time. Sakalya questions – ‘how many are the gods?’. Yajnavalkya says – ‘three-thousand-three-hundred and six’. What a precise number? Sakalya puts the same question again. This time Yajnavalkya says – thirty-three gods. On further questioning, Yajnavalkya says that they are six, and then three and then two and then one and a half and finally one. This indeed is a strange reply and hence Sakalya demands explanation.

Yajnavalkya says that in fact there are only thirty-three gods. They are the eight Vasus, the eleven Rudras, the twelve Adityas plus Indra and Prajapati. All put together it comes to thirty-three. The three-thousand-three-hundred and six are merely different manifestations of the same 33 types of deities. The Upanishad explains the nature of the above types.

The human being sees birth and death every day. The texts call it creation, sustenance and dissolution. It means that from the man’s point of view there are certain factors in the cosmos which help him grow, some which make him feel unhappy and some others which are associated with his karma and the fruit of that karma, leading to ultimate dissolution. Those eight factors in the universe which nourish him and help him grow are the Vasus (the Sanskrit root ‘vas’ means ‘to live’). Those eleven factors which make him unhappy and cry are the Rudras (the Sanskrit root ‘rudir’ means ‘to cry’). Those twelve factors which are associated with a person’s karma and its fruits and gradually take away his life span are the Adityas (from the Sanskrit root ‘aadaana’ which means ‘to take away’). We need not go into the details of these factors, which are described in detail in the above text.

Gods of the above three types added up to thirty-one. The remaining two are Indra, symbolizing valour and Prajapati, symbolizing yajna. Thus we have the number thirty-three.
What about the word ‘crore’? The Sanskrit word for crore is ‘koti’. This word has several meanings such as the curved end of a bow, the edge or point in general, the point of a weapon, the peak of a hill, a category or class (used in expressions like jiva koti, prani koti etc.,), ten million and so on. In the present context it is used to mean a category or class of deities. The thirty-three (koti) types of deities manifest in several forms. The wind or fire manifest sometimes as a helpful agency and sometimes as a harmful agency. The three-thousand-three-hundred and six are but different forms of the same thirty-three deities.

From a different point of view, Yajnavalkya explains, the thirty-three can be reduced and seen as six. In other words, the thirty-three are included in these six. On further reduction, these six can be seen as three. This is from the point of view of deities connected with bhū (earth), bhuva (the intermediate space) and suva (heaven). “The earth and the fire taken together make one god, the sky and air make another and heaven and the sun make a third” (Swami Madhavananda tr. p: 373).
From yet another point of view the deities are only two (of two types). The whole universe can be classified as the prāa (vital force) and the matter (food) consumed by the vital force. On further reduction it is one and a half because it is the air which moves along and enlivens all that is covering. Finally, the one is the Hiranyagarbha, the first manifestation in the Supreme Consciousness. Thus all these names and forms, seen as thirty-three or more are merely different forms of the same Hiranyagarbha.

Curiously and mercifully we do not find the names such as Vishnu, Indra, Shiva, Ganesa and so on. Otherwise, there would have been a clamour among the devotees. The Vedic vision was not to count the different gods but to see different cosmic functions as due to one entity.

Surprisingly we find some of the teachers postulating that the thirty-three crore deities are located in the body of a cow. This is not the Vedic vision but the vision of someone who has authored a story in a purana (mythology). In fact the nourishing aspects, the troubling aspects and the depleting aspects are found in all beings including you and me and not only in the cow. You and I have the thirty-three deities as per the Vedic vision. We are a part and parcel of the macrocosm from a gross point of view, but on more subtle enquiry, we are not different from Brahman, says Vedanta.

The author is the former DGP of Andhra Pradesh and a practitioner of Vedanta

Wednesday, December 16, 2015

Being Hindu : Old Faith, New World

Book Review -Being Hindu : Old Faith, New World and You

A thought-provoking and breezy account. Hindol hits the right points and notes. Informs and provokes in equal measure. Add this one to your year-end holiday reading list.
Being Hindu can be an amalgamation of many different things to many different people, at different times. Whatever being Hindu may be, it however – we need to be clear – cannot be about “discussing for years whether we should drink a glass of water with the right hand or the left, whether the hand should be washed three times or four times, whether we should gargle five or six times.” But this was what discourse on Hinduism had been reduced to in the nineteenth century, in the words of none other than a young, thirty-something ascetic, Vivekananda, speaking to “an inherently orthodox populace in nineteenth-century, British-ruled India.
Vivekananda and a handful of reformers pulled Hinduism out from the dark depths of mindless ritualism that it found itself in more than a century ago. Such was the greatest reformer Hinduism saw in a thousand years or more, and such was Hinduism that it accepted such a reformer.
Hinduism listened to, accepted, and reformed. Or why just Vivekananda; take even Mahatma Gandhi, who had this to say to Dr. Ambedkar (another of the great reformers of Hinduism) – “Caste has nothing to do with religion. It is a custom whose origin I do not know and do not need to know for the satisfaction of my spiritual hunger. But I do know that it is harmful both to spiritual and national growth.
But, Hindol warns us, “reform” itself has many different meanings, and consequences. Lost in the din of a mono-maniacal fervour with which the word “reform” is being hurled today is a recognition of what the history of reform actually has been.
As I wrote in my review of a high-priestess of Islamic “reform” – Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s – book, “Heretic” (first published in IndiaFacts here), Ali’s prescriptions are presented in almost as fundamental a manner as the religious fundamentalism it seeks to reform, and wholly western prescriptions for the ails of a faith middle-eastern in origin.
Hindol writes about British journalist Mehdi Hasan, who reminded all what “what reformation was in Christianity.
“He details, in case anyone has forgotten, that Martin Luther—the fourteenth century German cleric who was the Father of Reformation—not only broke the Bible free from Latin upper class domination by translating it into vernacular languages, but also wrote On the Jews and Their Lies (1543). In this, Luther referred to the Jews as ‘the devil’s people and called for the destruction of Jewish homes and synagogues’ The book is one of the seminal texts of German anti-Semitism, and later the Holocaust.”
Similarly, for Islam, Hindol writes, there has been reform. Indeed, there has been reform. The most successful “reformist” in Islam, to this day, remains Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahhab, “the eighteenth-century purist, who bitterly critiqued the relative liberalism of Sufism and described both Jews and Christians as devil worshippers. The punishment for devil worshippers, said Wahhab, was the sword.
The word “reform”, is however still used as a silver bullet of sorts by those looking for silver bullets with which to slay the werewolves of radicalism. The consequences of such shallow thinking is of course paid only by future generations to come – rarely by the proponents of such reform.
Hindol gives reason to consider carefully when we use the word “reform.” Reform can mean something different, and more meaningful. Hindol provides two examples. The first, as we saw earlier, is with Hinduism and its cast of reformers. The second, surprisingly, is with Islam – and Dara Shukoh – in the second half of the seventeenth century.
Dara Shukoh was one of the sons of the fifth Mughal emperor Shah Jahan, and a sibling of Aurangzeb. Dara had a spiritual bent of mind, and if you consider that it was in the year 1656 – the zenith of the Mughal empire in northern India – that he gathered “at Kashi (Benaras) a vast troupe of bilingual scholars” to try and find harmony between the Holy Qur’an and the Upanishads, it truly boggles the mind. Dara was not Akbar, who could have done this with the weight of the imperial throne behind him. This was Dara, locked in a deadly struggle with his vastly more orthodox brother Aurangzeb, and yet chose to embark on this quest, knowing that doing so would put him on the wrong side of the orthodox Muslim clergy of the time. Dara’s efforts led him to state that the Upanishads “‘are first of all heavenly books . . . in conformity with the holy Quran’ and that the Upanishads are ‘actually mentioned in the Quran and designated as scriptural texts’.” Such a claim would be considered radical – perhaps even heretical – even in the twenty-first century.
Dara’s quest was perhaps the last, truly great, attempt at meaningful reformation in Islam. That it ended with Dara’s imprisonment and subsequent execution by his brother, Aurangzeb, underscores a tragic, if not common, theme in Islam’s history of encounters with reform.
Ayaan Hirsi Ali has nothing to write about Dara in her book on “reformation” in Islam. Hers is a very narrow, monochromatic prism through which she views solutions to complex issues.
Even if one is unsure about what makes or does not make a Hindu, even if one is or is not a Hindu, if one is not living in India, it is still a reasonably confident assertion that your view of Hinduism is being influenced by reading thinly-disguised racist screeds passing off as scholarly dissertations. How so?
Hindol has a brilliant – and biting – chapter titled “How to Write About Hindus?” that distills a century and more of western writing on Hinduism. I present here only a brief excerpt. The entire chapter is worth reading twice, and is perhaps alone worth the price of the book.
“‘Always use the word Hindu as if you really meant to write Hindoo (colonial spelling used to suggest parody) but are too polite. Words like “dusk”, “soul”, “heterodox”, “bourgeois”, “traditional”, “Orientalist”, naturally, help. Subtitles may include the words “ancient”, “plural”, “civilization”, “alternative”, “sex”. The last one is of the most vital significance. Without it, your book (article, essay) and Hinduism are doomed. Its soul will never be discovered. Worse, no one will tweet about your book (article, essay). Your book (article, essay) must have a picture. It must have the colour orange. Refer to it always as “saffron”. Without saffron, the sales (and readership) of your book (article, essay) are deep in the red. Which, as we all know, is not a nice colour. Especially when you are the one selling. The pictures you use along with the writing can never have kind, well-adjusted, pleasantly God-fearing folk. They should have great matted hair. A bushy chest. A trident in the hand really helps. They can’t wear too many clothes. It spoils the image of the warrior sadhu—the monk doth protest too much is a powerful tool. Don’t treat it lightly. Or you can have a bespectacled, grouchy old man holding a grammatically incorrect banner. Looking angry.”
And how can we talk about western “scholarship” about Hinduism without touching upon (I use the word “touching” in an entirely non-harassing and strictly metaphorical sense) the Hinduphobe scholar’s obsession with the prurient, and insistence on conjuring prurience where none exists. Sample the brilliant way in which Hindol takes down a certain, unnamed, Hindu “scholar.”
“Begin by writing that you love all gods and goddesses. The Hindus have many of these. So there are many books (articles, essays) to be written. But nowhere have you mentioned snake charmers or elephants. So your work is not about hunting down the exotic. It is scholarship. Oh, sorry, you did mention an elephant god. You said his trunk is the penis. Or his penis is the trunk. One can’t be entirely sure — but there is some cock (and bull) there. It is, after all, a way of life.”
And more so:
“Always subtly hint that while you have read and mastered all Hindu texts, there is actually nothing called Hinduism. This must be the great consistent revelation of your book. It is also great preparation just in case someone spots your errors and takes you to court. The more you write that you love the openness in Hinduism, the better it is for you. Because if nothing exists, and there are no rules, no facts, no realities and no texts — if there is no Hinduism — then you can write what you want. And anything you write will make you a scholar.”
This chapter served as a reminder of sorts for me of the ways in which Indians have lost self-respect for both themselves and for their culture and religion. Some may remember how there was a brouhaha of sorts on social media when some self-styled #science “intellectuals” had taken to asserting that there was no such thing as “Hindu or Indian science.”
When confronted by facts (for e.g., that Baudhyana’s discovery of the so-called Pythagoras’ theorem preceded Pythagoras by at least a few centuries), the #science intellectuals’ argument then morphed into stating that there was no such thing as “India” in medieval times, and finally, into mocking critics for lacking a sense of humour. I was reminded of it reading about Manjul Bhargava in Hindol’s book.
“A mathematician of Indian origin, Manjul Bhargava, won the Fields Medal, one of the highest prizes in excellence in mathematics. Bhargava’s biggest achievement was probably solving a 200-year-old mathematical problem. How did he do this? Bhargava says he was able to accomplish this by reading old Sanskrit manuscripts preserved by his grandfather, Purshottam Lal Bhargava, who was the head of the Sanskrit department at the University of Rajasthan. In their library reserves he found the work of seventh-century Indian mathematician Brahmagupta, and he realized, using Brahmagupta’s work,
that he could crack a problem unresolved for two centuries. Essentially, when two numbers, which are both the sum of two perfect squares, are multiplied together, what is arrived at is the sum of two perfect squares. He found a generalization of this principle in Brahmagupta’s work that helped him simplify the expansive Composition Law introduced by the German Carl Friedrich Gauss in 1801.”
A favourite chapter for most Indophiles is likely to be the one where Hindol briefly enumerates the Hindu’s contribution to science, and in many cases, these contributions were verily the foundations of science as the world knows today.
“The seventh-century mathematician Brahmagupta devised a formula ‘for the sum of n terms of the Arithmetic Progression of which the first term is unity and the common difference is unity’15. With this, Brahmagupta was able to accurately devise the rules to measure the volume of a prism, the area of a cyclic quadrilateral and the formula for the length of two diagonals of a cyclic quadrilateral. Needless to say, these are rules that are being used even today.

Brahmagupta formulated ‘a thousand years’ before the great European mathematician Euler (17-7 -1783 CE) ‘a theorem based on indeterminate equations’

Hindu mathematicians also knew what is now known as Pascal’s triangle long before Europe and called it meru prastara. The mathematician Pingala (third century BC) dealt with this in detail in his Chandas-sutra.

Astonishingly, Panini’s immortal fame is not even as a mathematician but as the definitive Sanskrit grammarian. But he also ‘introduced abstract symbols to denote various subsets of letters and words that would be treated in some common way in some rules; and he produced rewrite rules that were to be applied recursively in a precise order.’ Mumford says, ‘One could say without exaggeration that he anticipated the basic ideas of modern computer science.’”
Just as the Internet intellectual’s views of Hinduism’s seminal contributions to science and maths are formed within the hermetic cocoon of Eurocentrism, similarly the atheist’s view – especially the “Hindu” atheist – is formed by a cursory reading of the reigning prophet of atheism, Richard Dawkins, whose book “‘The God Delusion’ mentions Hinduism only twice. Only two times in a 460-page book.
Hindol elaborates:
Basically, each and every complaint of Dawkins about religion is aimed at the great monotheistic faiths—Christianity, Islam and Judaism—and his primary complaint that faith divides is one that can only be aimed at those faiths since they have clear boundaries between believers and unbelievers. For his entire intellectual prowess, Dawkins does not understand that there is an alternative to that version of religion. He does not understand that Vedic polytheism is not quite that because in polytheism ‘the gods worshipped retain their proper and well-defined places’. In Vedic culture though, ‘a god worshipped as the supreme deity pales into insignificance when another is adored as the highest’. This is the concept of the ishtadevata by which ancient Hindus chose a manifestation of God that appealed most to them and worked to reach the highest truth through this form or image.
In closing, I want to talk about the good cop – bad cop routine, “a psychological tactic used in negotiation and interrogation” (Wikipedia), where the “‘bad cop’ takes an aggressive, negative stance towards the subject, making blatant accusations, derogatory comments, threats, and in general creating antipathy between the subject and himself. This sets the stage for the “good cop” to act sympathetically, appearing supportive and understanding, and in general showing sympathy for the subject.
Hinduism studies in the West have for long had their cast of good-cops and bad-cops. The bad cop, it’s been clear for many years now, is Wendy Doniger, the reigning priestess of everything crude and lewd that can be imagined or conjured in Hinduism. I recently discovered who the good cop is. The good cop is Diana Eck, but the goal remains much the same – a multi-pronged delegitimisation of Hinduism and its symbols. I wrote about it in some detail in my review of her book, “India: A Sacred Geography”. Hindol quotes extensively from Diana’s work; I feel that perhaps Eck’s work at concealing her real agenda is better than I would have initially given her credit for!
The book is divided into ten chapters, each titled as a question for or about Hindus. For example, the first is “How to Write About Hindus?”, the second is “Who is a Hindu?”, the seventh is “Does Being Hindu Mean You Are Vegetarian?”, and so on… At 170 pages, excluding the acknowledgments, endnotes, and index, this book is a short read.
It is my hope that this book gives the reader reason to pause and reconsider the blind reverence that western studies on Hinduism have been accorded, it causes the casual Hindu to delve deeper into the meaning of his or her faith, it gives reason to the reader to question the basis for media-instigated anti-Hinduism hysteria.
Hindol’s book is a timely addition to the growing list of books that seek to question the bigoted and at times outright racist status quo that has been Hinduism studies for decades on the one hand, and endeavour to inform and gently correct mis-conceptions about Hinduism that have been unquestioned thus far.


Book info:
Penguin Books Ltd
ISBN-10 0143425323
ISBN-13 9780143425328
AmazonKindleFlipkart
Disclaimer: views expressed are personal.
Abhinav Agarwal is a son, husband, father, technologist and an IIM-B Gold Medalist.

Wednesday, December 9, 2015

Indian Secularism Views Indian Muslims As Pakistanis

Secularism as practised in India is a threat to Indian Muslims as this essay will demonstrate. As per purely academic definitions, there are primarily two meanings of secularism.

First, it is a movement of ideas that slowly removes influences of religion from social life. In this meaning, secularism undermines religious orthodoxies, frees individuals from the clutches of religion and empowers people to live their daily life in rational and meaningful ways.
pakistan

Second, there is a constitutional meaning of secularism which requires the state to maintain distance from religion in policymaking and to treat all citizens equally.

However, there is a third, behavioural meaning of Indian secularism. In its behavioural meaning, secularism influences us as individuals in how we understand day-to-day developments in our societies and impacts on the minds of policymakers, government leaders, journalists, politicians and others.

To fully grasp the phenomenon of secularism, one has to understand the habits of secularism in India, and comprehend its influences on our communities and leaders at the practical level. In its practical meaning as secularism is practised in India, secularism is a threat to Indian Muslims, preventing their socio-economic and educational progress for the following reasons.

Secularism views Indian Muslims as Pakistanis, not as Indians. To convey this latent message to Indian Muslims, secular Hindus rush to release books and attend conferences in Pakistan, or to dine with Pakistani leaders such as General Pervez Musharraf. By any definition, Musharraf was the architect of the largest jihad against India in modern times. He not only launched the jihadist invasion of Kargil in 1999, it was on his watch that the 26/11 attacks on Mumbai were planned.

To look good, secular Hindu journalists routinely invite Musharraf and other Pakistani leaders to our television studios for celebratory interviews, i.e. interviews which are unwarranted by current affairs developments. This is because secular Hindus unconsciously, subconsciously and sometimes consciously view Indian Muslims as part of the Pakistani identity.

Indian secularism is a form of latent racism, notably against Bangladeshis. For example, secular Indians do not speak in favour of Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasreen when she is attacked in Hyderabad, India. Secular Hindus who love to visit Pakistan do not visit Bangladesh.
India has played a critical military role in the creation of Bangladesh, but secular Hindus do not appreciate this Indian role. Bangladesh has truly liberal editors, unlike their Pakistani counterparts, but secular Hindus do not invite Bangladeshi journalists and writers to India for book events or conferences.

nitish

A number of secular Indian editors are from West Bengal but they identify themselves with Pakistanis, not with next-door Bangladeshi journalists. Even Nitish Kumar loves to visit Pakistan, certifying the message to his voters that Indian Muslims are with Pakistan.

Secularism is another word for communalism. Indian secularism sows seeds of communal poison that causes riots and creates siege mentality among Muslims. Secularism resides in the siege mentality of Muslims.

For example, at a village called Kangla Pahari in West Bengal, secular Hindu officials have banned Durga Puja because it is disliked by Muslims. Such secular Hindu decisions give birth to what is known as Hindu extremism.

Secularism engenders Hindu communalism and fosters Muslim insecurity. There were no ‘Hindutva’ forces in India before the secular Rajiv Gandhi made the following three decisions in the 1980s: the law that annulled the Supreme Court decision to give alimony to the destitute Muslim woman Shah Bano, the opening of Ayodhya locks that led to the demolition of Babri Mosque and the ban on The Satanic Verses.

Secularism does not seek to serve the interests of Muslims. It tells Indian Muslims: I will give you secularism and five per cent quota in educational institutions and government jobs. Secular Hindus know that there are not more than 40 lakh central government jobs and even if 100 per cent government jobs were given to Indian Muslims, it will not ensure their progress.
The progress of communities is empowered by new ideas. But secularism doesn’t tell Indian Muslims: I will give your daughters mathematics, economics and science from Grade 1. As per the Right to Education Act, all citizens of 6-14 years age must receive the same educational outcomes. But secular Hindus do not promise the same education to Muslims that they give their own kids. This is because secularism’s purpose is not to serve the interests of Indian Muslims. Secularism is anti-Muslim.

Secularism loves to forge Muslim communalism, more so at election times. For example, in the just-concluded Bihar elections, secularism drove about 84 per cent Muslims to vote communally for a single party.

Secularism creates herd mentality and pushes Muslims towards the minority syndrome. Over the past six decades, riots were caused by the Congress, but the Congress was routinely presented as secular.

Secularism thrives in the minority syndrome created by secularism itself. It prevents Indian Muslims from seeing that their actual progress could result from studying economics, mathematics and material sciences. But secular Hindus ally with orthodox Islamic clerics such as Imam Bukhari. Both serve each other. Secularism wants to give a few computers to madrasas but doesn’t advocate educational transformation or police reforms to end the minority syndrome.
Indian secularism is anti-women. Secularism is essentially against the interests of Muslim women. For example, secular Hindu intellectuals and journalists are totally silent on the issue of ending the Shah Bano legislation that denied alimony to Muslim women. This legislation was created by the secular Rajiv Gandhi to serve the cause of secularism in India. Secular Hindus know that if Muslim women progress, their secularism will die.

Secular writers and intellectuals do not advocate the cause of the Uniform Civil Code, one of the objectives of the Constitution. Even feminist Hindus do not oppose the mushrooming of Burqas and Islamism among Muslim communities. The silence of feminists serves secularism. At this point in time, the only section of Indian society advocating equality for Muslim women is the so-called Hindu right-wing, the hope of liberty.

The secular Hindu is a coward who walks away from responsibility by arguing this: change must come from within Muslims. Throughout the course of history, social change has essentially come through external sources: from interaction with foreign ideas occurring through wars, technologies and globalisation.

It is not surprising that there are no liberal Muslim writers and reformers in India. This is because if a true liberal Muslim writer arose, secularism would shun him. Secularism’s purpose is served not by liberal Muslim writers but by Islamists. The cause of Muslim reform in India is currently limited to interpreting Islamic texts, whether it be the case of late Marxist writer Asghar Ali Engineer, or social activist Shaista Amber. The secular Hindu will not welcome any Muslim who dares to question basic ideas of Islam.

India spends billions of rupees on departments of Arabic, Persian, Urdu and Islamic studies in universities across the country. However, graduates from these departments do not even attempt to think. They do not ponder over the human condition or the power of new ideas to drive change; they fear new ideas, innovation and progress.

Subjugated by the secular Hindus and Islamic clerics, the Muslim youth is not a carrier of new ideas. In between there is a species called ‘Moderate Muslim’ who is mostly sleep-walking. But if a liberal Muslim challenges religious orthodoxies and clerics rose against him, the moderate Muslim rises up and attacks both. The moderate Muslim serves the purpose of secularism just in time. Indian secularism is a plot against Indian Muslims.
(Published first in NewageIslam.com)

 
Tufail Ahmad is a former journalist with the BBC Urdu Service and Director of South Asia Studies Project at the Middle East Media Research Institute, Washington DC. He can be reached at: tufailelif@yahoo.co.uk

Monday, December 7, 2015

Secularism : In the Name of Secularism

Secularism : In the Name of Secularism


Persistent appeasement philosophy of Congress culminated in the Muslim League demanding Pakistan for Muslims and eviction of Hindus and Sikhs from east and west Pakistan.
Congressmen at any given opportunity do not spare to mention that theirs is a secular party and that it is the only party that understands secularism and champions its cause.  As the debate in the winter session of the Parliament rages over the Constitution and its making and subsequent changes made during emergency there are many questions that come to the fore about what really is the mainstay of Congress’ politics. The Congress says that its policy is that of equal justice to everyone but the people doubt whether the policy is being implemented or not said AK Antony after the Congress rout in 2014 Lok Sabha elections in his post electoral analysis . The Antony thesis, as it is called, was set up to find the reason for the rout and in its report was said that the Congress was leaning too much towards the Muslims.
Much of this tag that the Congress has acquired is because of its appeasement policy towards the Muslims which it garbs under the guise of secularism. It has left no opportunity to resort to Blackmail Secularism threatening the Muslims covertly with ‘Vote for us if you do not want the BJP to rule because things are going to be worse for you under them’. Congress has in the past made it a point on every possible occasion to fan communal frenzy and then pose as the messiah of minorities. This was an art invented by the British to keep themselves in power and Congress has perfected it post independence.
The Congress’ history of being a communal party is long and deserves some mentions here: In 1920 after the demise of Bal Gangadhar Tilak when Gandhiji took over as leader of the Congress party, he would openly speak about Ram Rajya and the ways in which it was to be achieved. Gandhiji was so keen that he gave various interpretations of how the Ram Rajya would actually be achieved. The turning point for Congress’ communal politics was the Khilafat Movement when the Muslims and the Muslim League started demanding separate electorates. It was here that Gandhiji fearing the loss of Muslim support started to bring in religion into politics. Persistent appeasement philosophy of Congress culminated in the Muslim League demanding Pakistan for Muslims in March, 1940, and creation of Pakistan in 1947 and eviction of Hindus and Sikhs from present-day Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The Congress Government under Jawaharlal Nehru started ‘Haj subsidy’ for Muslims in 1959. Is such a subsidy secular? Indira Gandhi when faced by a losing vote-bank to the Opposition changed the Constitution Preamble and inserted the word ‘secularism’ in a bid to woo Muslims so as to dispel any ambiguity that might be in the minds of the minorities. This word the original architect of the Constitution Dr BR Ambedkar did not feel necessary to insert as he was against the appeasement politics of
the Congress. He said that appeasement sets no limits to the demand of aggressor.
Continuation of Article 370 conferring a special status on Muslim majority Jammu & Kashmir; Genocide and eviction of Hindus from Kashmir to be made refugees in their own country. To placate Muslim uproar over Supreme Court’s judgement in Shah Bano’s case, the then Congress Government under Rajiv Gandhi passed the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 and nullified the said judgement.
 The same Congress which had rejected ‘Communal Award’ in 1932 (which meant separate electorates for Muslims, Christians etc) that was promulgated by the British on the reasoning that it will divide the Hindu society is now spearheading Muslim reservation in government jobs and announcing quotas.
The Congress Government repealed Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (POTA) the way it had repealed Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) in 1995 so as to prevent trail of those who get caught under terrorist activities these being mainly from Pakistan and Bangladesh.
In 2005, Supreme Court termed Bangladeshi infiltration as ‘external aggression’ and directed that “the Bangladesh nationals who have illegally crossed the border and have trespassed into Assam or are living in other parts of the country have no legal right of any kind to remain in Bharat and they are liable to be deported.” It struck down the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act, 1983 as unconstitutional; termed Bangladeshi infiltration as ‘external aggression’ and directed that “the Bangladesh nationals who have illegally crossed the border and have trespassed into Assam or are living in other parts of the country have no legal right of any kind to remain in Bharat and they are liable to be deported.” But instead of deporting the infiltrators, on February 10, 2006, UPA Government brought in the Foreigners (Tribunals for Assam) Order to nullify the Apex Court’s judgement. However, on December 5, 2006, Supreme Court quashed this Order also as illegal and unconstitutional, and called for a strict implementation of its earlier judgement dated July 12, 2005 “so as to ensure that illegal immigrants are sent out of this country.” Shockingly, despite the Supreme Court’s clear directions, no infiltrators have been deported by the government.
Bharat became the first country to ban The Satanic Verses in 1988 as a pre-emptive measure. Muslim fundamentalists threatened massive protests against the allegedly blasphemous novel. Muslim politicians attacked Rushdie, stating all the while that they had not themselves read the book. Fundamentalists have incessantly targeted Bangladeshi author Taslima Nasreen, whose stance against the discriminatory Islamic practices against women has seen her exiled in Bharat. She too was hounded out from Kolkatta and Hyderabad with no politician let alone Muslim politician uttering a word.
In 2014 elections, the fight for the Muslim vote has intensified as Salman Khurshid, Union Law minister and the Muslim face for the Congress party in Uttar Pradesh, took on the Election Commission of Bharat. The Commission censured his blatant attempt to entice Muslim voters through a series of quotas for Muslims in government jobs and educational institutions. At an electoral rally, Khurshid challenged the Commission by asserting that his fight for ‘Muslim rights’ would go on, even if the ‘Election Commission hanged him.’
 Bharat’s fight against terror is also being compromised for the sake of Muslim votes. The controversial Batla House encounter in New Delhi in 2008 is being communalised in the electoral battle. Politicians like Khurshid and Digvijay Singh of the Congress party are questioning the authenticity of the encounter despite the fact that the Union Home Minister has repeatedly vouched for its genuineness.
The UPA’s two governments were so committed to vote-bank politics that its Prime Minister went so far as to suggest Muslims had first claim on development funds. But all this did not cut much ice. The election results in Muslim pockets in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Assam and Andhra Pradesh were particularly galling for the party.  A section within the Congress doubts the efficacy of Muslim appeasement as an electoral strategy. It would be worth mentioning from Congress’ own analysis that Muslims have begun to walk past the quota and other religious guises. The bulk of the Bharateeya population has begun to respond to an all-round developmental agenda, jobs, infrastructure, liveable cities and towns, improving livelihoods.  The communal politics of Congress has come to a situation that  it lacks credibility for the Muslim community especially the youth which is exasperated  with quota politics, as they know it will get them nowhere in the emerging competitive world.
For a religiously divided country like Bharat, the ghettoisation of a community resulting in rising fundamentalism has dire consequences. Assimilation, not appeasement, is the requirement of the hour. ‘An appeaser’, said Winston Churchill, “is one who feeds a crocodile hoping it will eat him last.” This is the fate that stares Congress today.

Bhagyashree Pande (The writer is a senior journalist)